Social Sciences

En la provincia de Burgos, España, un movimiento vecinal en contra de un proyecto urbanístico acabó derivando en Enero de 2014 en un acontecimiento político con gran seguimiento por parte de los medios de comunicación tradicionales y las redes sociales. La relevancia política de un conflicto en un primer momento local empezó a aumentar y a generar diferentes lecturas e interpretaciones, tanto desde dentro del movimiento
como en el resto del Estado español. En este trabajo analizamos las redes de interacciones, los marcos interpretativos del movimiento de protesta y cómo éstos fueron modulándose con base a las distintas fases del conflicto. El análisis sistemático del contenido y las redes sociales de Twitter se ha combinado con siete entrevistas realizadas a participantes en el conflicto. A partir de los datos obtenidos y su análisis, se puede concluir que se dieron cambios importantes en los marcos del movimiento hacia perspectivas nacionales y globales en relación con una expansión y
desbordamiento de las redes de interacción que sustentaban el movimiento.
PALABRAS CLAVE: Movimiento vecinal, acontecimiento, marcos interpretativos, redes de interacciones.

ABSTRACT
In a district of the city of Burgos, Spain, a neighbourhood movement against an urban development project led to important riots and demonstrations in January 2014. These
events were echoed in the media and, subsequently, information about the protest movement spread through the social networks and become a political issue within the
national agenda. We analyse the interactional networks in Twitter and the different topologies of the movement´s networks throughout the stages of the conflict. We conduct
also a framing analysis based on the content of the tweets and the textual data obtained from seven interviews with participants in the conflict. The main findings reveal
important changes in the frames of the movement during the course of the conflict towards a more national and global definition of the conflict and the actors. In addition,
the changes in the movement´s frames have a positive correlation with the expansion of the interactional network.
KEY WORDS: Neighbourhood movement, political issue, frames, social networks.

A united and peaceful Europe seemed a distant dream for the generation that went through the experience of war and destruction in the first half of the 20 th century. In the latter part of that century, this hope did eventually gain shape and reality in the European Union. Despite its official proclamation of peace, social well being, and an alternative to both capitalism and communism, today the European project finds itself in a prolonged crisis, with uncertain expectations. The refugee crisis, the euro crisis, massive austerity, increasing curtailment of democratic principles, a growing division between powerful and weak economies, and Germany's new hegemony—all these appear in stark contrast to official European values and solidarity. The desperate struggle of SYRIZA to resist austerity demonstrated the necessity and seeming impossibility of the Left across Europe to answer the mounting crisis with a politics that was truly international, and able to go beyond " resisting austerity. " Despite growing social unrest, the deep ambivalence towards the EU expresses itself in the Left's inability to formulate a coherent vision of a political alternative. At the same time, the rejection of the EU is ceded to a growing right. What is the EU for the Left today? Should the Left seek to overcome the present impasse on the basis of the EU itself, or by rejecting it altogether? The clarification of the EU's nature and the appropriate response to it seem to be one of the most pressing issues for the Left on the continent and beyond.

It is a widely held view that Europeanization is a gradual process of adaptation of domestic policies, institutions or political actors to European Union (EU) regulation or norms, frequently linked to democratization processes. There are, however, potential applications of the concept of Europeanization to situations of crisis when domestic agents have little room for manoeuvre; on these occasions, gradual adaptation may turn into pressures to implement EU norms or regulations and this may have disruptive effects on domestic political systems. This paper aims at illuminating these processes in Spain during the years of the Great Recession and evaluating their putative impact on the Spanish party system. The primary concern of this study is, therefore, to identify crucial steps in the processes of Europeanization of Spanish politics during the years 2010-2012; in a second step it analyses the articulation of a response to these processes by protest movements, and especially by the political party Podemos in its initial phase. A case-study approach is used to gain deeper insight into the context of Spanish politics in times of crisis. Official documents of domestic or EU institutions and various speeches of the political party Podemos are collected and examined. The results of this study suggest connections between Europeanization processes and changes in domestic party competition in Spain; additionally, it identifies Europeanization in Spain as a disruptive process favouring the emergence of anti-establishment discourses.

Juan Roch González is a Phd candidate in political science at Freie Universität Berlin who spends most of his time these days conducting research on populism, the emergence of new political parties in Europe and their links to Europeanization processes. He studied his Bachelor's Degree in Sociology in Madrid and his Master's Degree in Barcelona, Spain. In his prior research work, he analysed the new social movements in Spain and Europe and the role of the traditional media and the new Information and Communication Technologies in these movements. His most recent publications is " Podemos und die neuen Medien " , an article focused on the use of digital media by the political party Podemos. Abstract This article examines the discursive appeal of Podemos, an allegedly left-wing " populist party " in Spain, to European Union (EU) issues. It analyses the political discourse of this party on the EU focusing on specific points of rupture of the hegemonic discourses in the Spanish political system. Literature on party politics and populism offers empirical evidence about the emergence of traditional right-wing populist parties and new left-wing populist parties in Europe; scholars have also studied the Eurosceptic tendency of right-wing populist parties. However, little attention has been paid to the discursive approach of left-wing populist parties to the EU. Using discourse analysis, this study illuminates the points of rupture of the hegemonic discursive formations in Spain and identifies the articulatory practices of Podemos on EU issues. The results indicate that the EU is integrated in an ambivalent way in the dichotomist discourse of Podemos and its antagonist view of society.

The rise of populist contenders in Western Europe in the aftermath of the euro crisis has led to an increasing critique of the project of the European Union (EU). This critique has been frequently encapsulated in the label 'Euroscepticism' and its softer or harder gradations. This article proposes to revisit this phenomenon from a different angle: the discur-sive and historical exploration of EU contestation in its context. This paper argues that the forms of EU contestation must be studied together with the symbolic orders about Europe and the EU at the national level. Drawing on the Sociology of Knowledge Approach to Discourse (SKAD), this article delineates the diverse representations and problematizations of EU-contesting discourses in Western Europe studying the cases of Germany and Spain. The findings show greater power to constrain (power in discourse) EU contestation in Spain than in Germany, the latter country being a more suitable terrain for critique of the EU. These divergences are connected to the historical processes of Europeanization in each country and their particular symbolic orders.

This chapter outlines a comprehensive three-layered approach to the study of discourse and its boundaries. It argues that Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) may benefit from a sociologically-informed analysis of the fuzzy boundaries between discourse and the non-discursive. This chapter starts by discussing the non-discursive in Laclau and Mouffe’s Discourse Theory and it turns, in a second step, to Foucault-inspired approaches to discourse. Building upon the latter, the proposal to study discourse and its boundaries presented in this chapter distinguishes three different levels: (1) the level of discursive and social practices, (2) the structural level, (3) and the agential and reflexive level. In the final part of the chapter, I discuss the implications of this three-layered approach for a social ontology and a practice of critique within CDS. To conclude, I contend that this approach to discourse and its boundaries expands the potential of a postfoundational CDS research agenda and strengthens the critical gaze of discourse research.

América Latina está incorporando regulaciones que incidan
en el costo y el gasto en medicamentos. Sus objetivos
centrales son cuatro: i) garantizar la competitividad en el
mercado, ii) asegurar precios asequibles a los consumidores
individuales (canal comercial), iii) contener el gasto público
en medicamentos (canal institucional) y iv) garantizar
la eficiencia del gasto en medicamentos. La experiencia
de América Latina difiere de la de los países de regiones
desarrolladas. En estas últimas los países tienden a
converger en sus políticas, tanto en la promoción de
medicamentos genéricos y estrategias de control de precios,
como en las medidas de racionalización y contención
del gasto farmacéutico. En contraste, en América Latina
ciertas debilidades institucionales impiden la consolidación
y aplicación de una política regulatoria efectiva. El presente
trabajo revisa la experiencia acumulada en la adopción
de regulaciones económicas dirigidas a reducir el gasto y
mejorar el acceso a los medicamentos, postula lecciones
aprendidas a nivel internacional y ofrece recomendaciones
para los países de América Latina. Su propósito es
aportar elementos clave para los decisores de política y las
autoridades de los países interesados en llevar adelante la
regulación económica de medicamentos

INTRODUCCIÓN: El tabaquismo es la principal causa
prevenible de morbi-mortalidad. Produjo cerca de 6 millones de muertes
en 2014, además de enfermedades y discapacidades derivadas de su
consumo. Entre las diferentes estrategias para reducir el consumo están
los tratamientos farmacológicos. En Argentina, hay poca información
sobre su efectividad y financiamiento. OBJETIVOS: Determinar cuáles
son las intervenciones más costo-efectivas para disminuir el consumo
de tabaco en Argentina. MÉTODOS: Se realizó un estudio cuantitativo,
utilizando el modelo de análisis de costo-efectividad. Se calcularon
costos de los tratamientos recomendados en la Guía de Práctica Clínica
Nacional de Tratamiento de la Adicción al Tabaco, para la población
fumadora de 15 años en adelante, sin cobertura explícita de salud y con un
intento de cesación con método farmacológico en los últimos 12 meses.
Se construyeron indicadores de años de vida saludable y se estimaron
los costos necesarios para la atención médica de patologías asociadas al
tabaquismo. RESULTADOS: La inversión en cesación tabáquica genera
un ahorro de $779,5 millones de pesos en los costos de atención médica
de las patologías seleccionadas. Por cada peso invertido en tratamientos farmacológicos se ahorran $26,4. CONCLUSIONES: Una intervención
centrada en la provisión gratuita de tratamientos farmacológicos para la
cesación tabáquica demuestra ser costo-efectiva.

O artigo analisa a municipalização na saúde por meio das proposições para a política
de saúde de prefeitos eleitos no ano de 2012. Realizou-se análise documental das plataformas
de governo dos então candidatos e de documentos oficiais da política e da gestão municipais
de saúde – Relatórios das Conferências Municipais de Saúde e Planos Municipais de Saúde
– de 24 municípios brasileiros nas cinco regiões do País. Os resultados indicam que os programas
das candidaturas, em geral, incorporam a defesa do direito à saúde, embora principalmente
através da ampliação da oferta de serviços médicos.

RESUMO
As dificuldades no acesso aos contraceptivos representam um problema significativo para os sistemas de saúde, cujas consequências mais importantes são os indicadores negativos de morbimortalidade das mulheres. Na Argentina, a fragmentação do sistema de saúde e as diferentes formas de financiamento dos medicamentos em geral, criam acessos muito desiguais tanto aos serviços de saúde, quanto aos insumos. Por sua vez, no Brasil, o financiamento dos medicamentos encontra-se compartilhado entre os três níveis de governo o que se traduz numa gestão muito complexa. Ambos os países tem implantado estratégias para promover o acesso aos medicamentos, em geral, assim como programas nacionais de saúde sexual e reprodutiva com foco na promoção do acesso aos contraceptivos. Mesmo assim, tanto a Argentina quanto o Brasil ainda apresentam importantes dificuldades no acesso.
O objetivo principal deste trabalho é analisar como dois sistemas de saúde (institucionalmente diferentes) abordam o problema do acesso aos contraceptivos. Nessa direção, buscou-se também entender o que mais tem influenciado a construção de vias de acesso aos contraceptivos, se a política de medicamentos ou a própria abordagem da saúde sexual e reprodutiva desenvolvida nos sistemas de saúde. Para tal, desenvolveu-se uma análise de políticas qualitativas comparadas. Considerou-se o período de 2003 a 2015, no qual, tanto na Argentina quanto no Brasil, já haviam sido implementadas políticas com o intuito de enfrentar o problema do acesso aos contraceptivos. Foi construído um modelo de análise que permitiu comparar os sistemas de saúde, analisar os programas nacionais de saúde sexual e reprodutiva e as políticas de medicamentos, com foco nos contraceptivos, implantados em ambos os países. A análise foi desenvolvida a partir de dados secundários e entrevistas semiestruturadas com atores-chave de ambos os países.
Os resultados evidenciam que as vias de acesso aos contraceptivos têm características próprias e diferentes de outros medicamentos essenciais e que, também, são diferentes entre os países. Adicionalmente, também foram identificados seis elementos constitutivos dessas vias de acesso: 1) A influência dos processos políticos; 2) A relação entre o tipo de sistema de saúde e as vias de acesso; 3) A participação de novos atores na tomada de decisões (“outsiders” do setor sanitário); 4) A feminização da contracepção; 5) A falta de conhecimento sobre o direito de receber gratuitamente os contraceptivos; e 6) O peso maior das decisões do setor de medicamentos por sobre o de saúde sexual e reprodutiva na hora de gerar vias de acesso.

ABSTRACT
The barriers for accessing contraceptives are still a very complex problem for the health systems. This issue has an important impact especially regarding women health´s indicators (high percentage of mobility and mortality, among others).
In Argentina, the fragmentation of the health system and the different ways of financing medicines create very unequal ways of access to the health services in general and to the contraceptives in particular. In Brazil, medicine´s financing depend on the three levels of government, a practice that leads to a complex management of the system.
Argentina and Brazil implemented strategies to promote the access to medicines in general, and national sexual and reproductive health programs with focus in promoting the access to contraceptives. Nevertheless, both countries still need to strengthen the mechanism to address this problem.
The main objective of this research was to understand how two different health systems (in terms of institutional design) address the problem of accessing to contraceptives. Moreover, the relationship between the medicines policy and the sexual and reproductive health policy in Argentina and Brazil was analysed in a compared perspective.
Methodology: a qualitative – compared public policy analyses was conducted, considering the specific period 2003-2015. During those years, Argentina and Brazil implemented medicines policies and sexual and reproductive programs as well.
In order to achieve the objective, a comparative model was created allowing the comparison of the health systems, the national sexual and reproductive health programs and the medicines policies with focus in contraceptives. Secondary sources were reviewed and analysed and semi-structure interviews were conducted with stakeholders from both countries.
The results show that the ways of accessing contraceptives present specific characteristics, different from other essential medicines, with stark differences as well between the two countries. Six key elements were identified in the creations of those ways of access: 1)the influence of the political process; 2) the relation among the ways of access and the institutional design of the health system; 3) the participation of new actors (outsiders of the sanitary sector) in the design and implementation of these strategies; 4) A feminization of contraception; 5) lack of adequate knowledge about the right to free contraception (in both countries) and 6) the decisions made by the medicines policy influenced more than the decisions made by the sexual and reproductive programs.